Tom Barry Page 15

  ‘I removed my boots and tip-toed upstairs to the large bedroom reserved for us. When I lit a match Charlie jumped up. “Mother of God! How did you get here?’’

  ‘I walked the whole twelve miles, so I must be cured. Shove over there, and give me the warm place.’[59]

  Notes

  [1] Eyewitness, An Cosantóir, 16 May 1941.

  [2] Pat O’Donovan author interview 16/7/1979.

  [3] Barry, With the IRA in the Fight for Freedom, p. 126.

  [4] Barry Guerilla Days, p. 47.

  [5] Tom Barry interview. Over 50 years later tears welled up in his eyes as he spoke of that night.

  [6] Barry’s notes also letter to Miah McGrath, 26/5/1948; also Barry Guerilla Days, p. 48.

  [7] Tom Barry to Miah McGrath 26 May 1948, TB private papers, also Barry Guerilla Days, pp. 53, 54.

  [8] Details in letter (carbon copy) Tom to Miah (McGrath), 26 May 1948, also Tom Barry’s notes, TB private papers; see also Barry, Guerilla Days, pp. 53, 54.

  [9] Jerh Cronin, author interview 10/1/1981.

  [10] Florrie O’Donoghue, MS 300,301, FO’D Papers, NLI.

  [11] Flor Crowley, In West Cork Long Ago, p. 15.

  [12] C. S. Andrews, Dublin Made Me, p. 155.

  [13] Letter with full text of The Boys of Kilmichael from John F. Hourihane, Boston to Tom Barry, 28 July 1948, TB private papers. This song has been recorded by Seán Ó Sé and by Jimmy Crowley who added a verse that Patrick Galvin composed (Tony Canniffe – details).

  [14] Seán (John) O’Riordan, author interview 28/7/1984. The O’Riordan sisters called Fr Gould who administered the last rites. Men buried Denny at night as they could ‘not dare to return by day’. Mary Hourihane and Kate Murphy, neighbours, in McSweeney, pp. 73, 74.

  [15] London, WO35/66, PRO; see also Joost Augusteijn, From Public Defiance to Guerilla Warfare, pp. 212 –214.

  [16]General Strickland Papers, IWM, London. See reports The Times 1, 2, 3 December, 1920. There appears to be a conflict with 15 dead recorded in some British reports and 16 in others. In August 1920, the British government had formed a Publicity Bureau in Dublin Castle to ‘explain and defend the government’s Irish policy’. As there was often conflict between what was called troops and police it was suggested in September that there should be the ‘framing and issuing communiqués’ from the chief secretary’s office. After martial law was proclaimed in the 6th Divisional area communiqués had to concur with GHQ as ‘the Military governors controlled both Troops and Police’. By the end of 1920 after the Freeman’s Journal personnel were court-martialled, the Cork Examiner which had hitherto ‘supported Sinn Féin and attacked the crown forces on every occasion, became so moderate in tone’ an official communiqué records, ‘that its staff were eventually threatened by the IRA’. (Jeudwine Papers, Volume 2. IWM). Consequently, newspapers reported the statements, doctors’ reports and propaganda on the Kilmichael ambush, as it had been given by the publicity bureau. Papers such as the Southern Star ‘had to be submitted for censorship’ weekly (Seán Buckley, Southern Star, 12 December, 1936. Col Hudson, commanding officer in Skibbereen paid his weekly visit to Dick Connolly, Southern Star).

  [17]Butler, p. 77.

  [18] Strickland Papers, 363, IWM.

  [19] Butler, p. 78.

  [20] Strickland Papers, 363; also Jeudwine Papers, IMW.

  [21] County Inspector Monthly Report, CO904/110.

  [22] Tom Barry, author interview.

  [23] Keyes McDonnell, pp. 193–195; Johannah Hallahan (12 years old at the time) and Kathryn Duggan to author 4/9/2003

  [24]Sunday Independent, 6 July, 1980; Jim McSweeney, Memories of Dromleigh – A Country School, p. 73.

  [25] Browne, pp. 26, 27, 32–34; Hart, p. 36; McSweeney, eyewitnesses, Mary O’Mahony and Kate Murphy, p. 73.

  [26] Author interviews, Lily O’Donovan Coughlan, Pat O’Donovan’s sitter 3/7/1978; Dan Hourihane, 26/4/1973; Jack O’Sullivan, 20/4/1976; Ned Young, 12/4/1975; Seán O’Riordan, 28/7/1984. There are many horrific stories.

  [27] Pat O’Mahony in a letter to Tom reminisced on the ordeal, and the anxiety that he and his carers felt. 14/6/1948, TB private papers; see also Barry Guerilla Days, p. 56.

  [28] Letter and personal recollections to Tom Barry from Seán MacCárthaigh, 16/8/ 1948, TB private papers; see also Barry, Guerilla Days, p. 56.

  [29] Barry, Guerilla Days, p. 55.

  [30]Correspondence between Tom Barry and Miah McCrath, 15 May, 24 May, 26 May, 14 June, 15 June, 24 June, 1948. TB private papers; see also Irish Press, 20 May 1948; Tom Barry, Guerilla Days, p. 55.

  [31] Letters Miah Galvin to Tom Barry, 25/5/1948 &11/6/1948; Tom Barry to Miah Galvin, 26/5/1948 and 14/6/1948. He wished he ‘could have written more happily about those three lads’, TB private papers.

  [32] Strickland – History of the 6th Division in Ireland November 1919 – March 1922, Strickland Papers, IWM.

  [33] Details of Essex men in Barry’s notes; also correspondence to and from Tom Barry, Seán MacCárthaigh, intelligence officer, 1948; Tom Barry’s notes; Barry to Miah McGrath, 26 May 1948, TB private papers.

  [34]The Times, 13 December 1920.

  [35]The Times, 13 and15 December 1920; see also The Burning of Cork City – A Tale of Arson, Loot and Murder for depositions and statements.

  [36] Charlie to his mother, hand written letter, 16/12/1920, FO’D Papers, Ms. 31,226, NLI.

  [37] Charles to Edith, n.d. K Company Aux. Div. Dunmanway, FO’D Papers, Ms. 31,226, NLI.

  [38]Crozier, Ireland Forever, pp. 115, 116.

  [39] Jones, Vol. 111, pp. 50–52.

  [40] Report of the ‘Trial of Cadet Sergeant Hart’ Cork Weekly Examiner, 15 January 1921.

  [41] Flor Crowley ‘Raymond’ Southern Star, 23 October 1971.

  [42] British Cabinet conclusion 81/20 (3) dated 30/12/1920.

  [43] Mark Sturgis Diary, 19 December 1920, CSO, 1920–1921, 39 59/3, PRO.

  [44] Peadar O’Donovan, Southern Star Centenary, 1889–989, p. 45.

  [45] British Cabinet conclusion 81/20 (3) dated 30/12/1920.

  [46] ‘Trial of Cadet Sergeant Hart’, Cork Weekly Examiner, 15 January 1921; Strickland wrote in his diary: ‘R. C. Canon shot in Dunmanway. I fear by K. Coy. RIC. It’s a devil – written to Dublin tonight.’ Strickland Papers, P363, Diary, IWM; Canon Magner had been a curate in Bandon prior to his transfer to Dunmanway – Michael Lyons, After Kilmichael, p. 12, Bandon Historical Journal 1996.

  [47]Cork Weekly Examiner, 15 January 1921.

  [48] Brendan Clifford, introduction to Crozier, The Men I Killed, p. 18; The Times, 18 February, 1921. I am indebted to Jack Lane and Brendan Clifford for this reference.

  [49] Charlie to his mother, hand-written letter, 16/12/20, FO’D Papers, Ms 31,226, NLI.

  [50] Crozier, p. 197.

  [51] Hand-written order, dated 12/12/1920 with names of Daniel Coholan, Bishop of Cork, Patrick Canon Sexton, publication date 18/12/1920, TB private papers; see Appendix II; see Cork Examiner, 18 December 1920.

  [52] Ned O’Sullivan to Tom Barry, 13/9/49. section commander Mick O’Donovan confirmed background details for Barry. TB private papers.

  [53] Seán MacCárthaigh, ‘Personal Recollections’ to Tom Barry, 16/8/1948, TB private papers.

  [54]Liam Deasy, author interview, 5/12/1972; see also Deasy, p. 181.

  [55] Tom Barry to Liam MacGowan, 1 May 1948. The carbon copy of the letter is torn – part of it is missing, TB private papers.

  [56] Strickland Papers, p. 363 – Diary, IWM.

  [57] Tom Barry’s manuscript, TB private papers.

  [58] Denis O’Mahony, author interview 24/8/1974; also Tom Barry manuscript, TB private papers.

  [59] Barry, Guerilla Days, p. 59.

  6 - Lord Tom, Burgatia, Rosscarbery, Michael Collins

  Since early December 1920 the British government had engaged in ‘indirect negotiations with the leaders of Sinn Féin’ and was according to The Times ‘exploring avenues’ to peace. Arc
hbishop Clune of Australia had met and acted as intermediary between Lloyd George and the Irish leaders, especially Michael Collins.[1]

  Meanwhile the terror of the Auxiliaries and the Black and Tans continued. Scores of unarmed Volunteers and their supporters were arrested, and many were tortured. In West Cork civilians were beaten, many homes, factories and creameries were burned. Since the bishop’s decree, Auxiliaries, Black and Tans and military were daily raiding homes in the countryside. The Essex regiment killed two unarmed Volunteers, Pat O’Donovan and Denis Hegarty in mid January.[2]

  As 1921 began Tom Barry and Charlie Hurley talked. Charlie had disbanded the flying column after the 8 December Gaggin ambush, and was upset. He felt he had handled it badly. Tom assured him he had done his best. Together they’d make it.

  When the Irish problem came up in the British House of Commons, Cork was again the county to be dreaded, so troops were poured into Bantry, Bere Island, Bandon, Ballincollig, Cork city and Cobh. At headquarters in O’Mahony’s of Belrose, Tom, Charlie, Seán Buckley, Liam Deasy and other officers of the Third West Cork Brigade discussed the future. Their decision: Get going again.[3]

  In the early days of January Tom and some leading officers had to find out if Bishop Coholan’s excommunication threat would have an effect on the men, so they made a tour of the companies. The men were told that anyone who felt, because of religious scruples, unable to carry on in the IRA was free to leave. ‘Not one man in any company did so,’ said Jim Kearney.

  ‘We were convinced that Tom was one of the greatest leaders of all time. Any man who went out in the road to stop the lorries as he did in Kilmichael, wouldn’t we do anything for him? Men would even die for him.’[4]

  Policy and strategy were outlined. Each battalion was instructed ‘to send rifle-men to re-form the Brigade Flying Column which was to mobilise on 18 January 1921. Meanwhile, the Bandon battalion section was to assemble immediately to carry out the first attack of the New Year.’ Barry in a letter to Mr Dempsey, Irish Press later wrote: ‘since Bishop’s Excommunication … Cork 1 Brigade was also inactive for all that period, the fact of the resumption of the attacks was all important – far more so than the curfew.’[5]

  Shortage of arms was their biggest problem, so attacks were made on Kilbrittain, Innishannon and Bandon Barracks. Two well-planned attacks on Kilbrittain Barracks failed because explosives did not work. A raid on Innishannon Barracks in a fortified village was their next target. If this ‘inconvenient’ building could be destroyed and the arms captured, Charlie Hurley and Barry decided, the difficulties that the Bandon battalion now experienced would be removed. To find out the feasibility of a raid, Barry and Hurley crept quietly down the village at 1 a.m. on 17 January 1921. Even if they had been innocent unarmed civilians this action would have rendered them liable to arrest and punishment since the curfew was now strictly enforced. Crouching beneath the shadows of the houses, the two men came within twenty yards of the police barracks, fired six rounds at its shutters from their automatics and then ran back to watch.

  Immediately, from the barracks gun-fire started, and a moment later the flare of rockets lit the winter sky. The two men had proof that this barracks was prepared; troops from Bandon, Dunmanway and other areas would be on the way shortly. Barry and Hurley made their way to high ground and waited. Below, the defenders of the police barracks continued to fire at nothing. The two smiled with satisfaction at this venture, and also at how easily they had acquired their information. Fifty minutes after their foray lorries were seen approaching Innishannon from the Brinny direction on the northern road. Satisfied, the two men returned to headquarters.[6]

  At headquarters they received a welcome cargo from Michael Collins. Leslie Price (Charlie Hurley’s girl friend) with Moya Llewelyn Davies, intelligence officer, had motored from Dublin with wrapped guns and ammunition hidden in cases of ladies clothes and underwear and sometimes hidden in bags of flour. Leslie, as chief organiser for Cumann na mBan, had been travelling on her bicycle throughout West Cork as well as countrywide setting up membership groups. Periodically, on visits to GHQ she’d return with guns in her luggage. She did quite a few ‘missions’ with Moya in her ‘motor car’ transporting guns from Michael Collins to the Cork brigades. Michael Collins (know to them as Mick) often sent notes to Leslie. The notes began with ‘Leslie dearest’ or ‘Dearest Leslie’ or some endearment, signed ‘Love M’. This would would give the appearance of love note if intercepted. Strickland in an interview believed that ‘in many cases arms would be brought out, for use at the scene of an ambush or other attack, by women who concealed them in their skirts.’ Their method of ‘getting at’ women was to raid houses, he said.[7]

  Two days of intensive training of 70 rifle-men followed. This was the strongest number in the flying column to date. Equipped with arms and ammunition, Barry divided his men into seven sections and moved to take up positions at Mawbeg, five miles outside Bandon on the Ballineen road. Most days of the week a convoy of five lorries of the First Essex travelled from Bandon on this road, the plan was to ambush them. Before the ambush an informer was arrested and brought before a court-martial. Details of his activities were known for some time. Found guilty, the man was shot. His body, bearing a boldly lettered placard ‘Shot by the IRA! Spies and Informers Beware!’ was positioned on the roadside in a conspicuous place while the column lay in wait. Barry calculated that even if the Essex were not inclined to come out, passers-by might report the body and a party would be sent out to investigate. The men lay in wait from early morning on 22 January, but after seven hours of anticipation with no sign of British troops Barry reluctantly decided to withdraw his column.

  Next day Barry and his men again took up positions a little closer to Bandon. The body of another self-confessed informer was labelled and laid on the roadside. Barry made sure the news would reach the barracks by having word passed to a military sympathiser who would spread the tidings. Another long fruitless wait followed. Through their intelligence section word reached Barry that the barracks had been aware of the column beside the corpse on each occasion. With the largest column yet mustered, he decided they should not be mobilised in vain. In sections he marched the men across the Bandon River to a pre-arranged meal in a number of houses and billets. He had tried to get the Bandon forces one way, now he would try another!

  Curfew in Bandon was between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. and an Essex patrol consisting of an officer and 45 men marched out of the barracks on the North Main Street each night at 10.30 p.m. Barry decided to attack this patrol. The timing of the whole operation was a matter of precise calculation. Barry divided his men into sections. As a masking device two sections were positioned to attack Black and Tan posts in the northern side of the town with a third under Liam Deasy to attack the barracks at the western end. The main body of the flying column at Shannon Street (now Oliver Plunkett Street) – the point furthest from the barracks where the military curfew party generally made their about-turn. A barricade against armoured cars was set up in a lane through which the IRA was to withdraw. All Barry’s sections were to reach positions at precisely 11.05 p.m. Simultaneous attacks were to last on posts for seven minutes. The men were ‘well schooled as to their actions’.

  Midnight passed and no patrol appeared. By 2.55 a.m. it looked as if the enemy was in possession of information. Barry asked himself if he were commander of the opposing forces what would he do? Instantly he visualised troops from all surrounding barracks encircling them. However Barry felt some form of attack was necessary if only from the point of view of morale for his own men. He brought the detached sections into action. They opened fire on the barracks, but nobody came out. Immediately he fired his signal shots for his men to withdraw. Soon incoming enemy fire began to crackle.

  Barry knew informers had sold his plan but discovered that they could penetrate the heart of the most dreaded enemy garrison in the area and the enemy failed to tackle them, eventhough there was some fighting close to the military bar
racks and Vol Dan O’Reilly was killed. At this point the morale of the men, which had risen after Kilmichael, continued to rise, with Barry at the helm, to a new peak of confidence. It wasn’t for the want of trying that there were no major engagements. ‘Where the IRA were active it affected the British troops more … We entered Bandon, a garrison town at least 40 to 50 times. It was necessary to keep on the offensive and to be aggressive.’[8]

  No time was to be lost. Barry and Hurley prepared to put what they had learned from the dummy attack on Innishannon into operation.[9]

  On the night following the Bandon affair, Barry posted 18 rifle-men at Brinny on a byroad in the Innishannon direction. Ten men took up positions on the direct road between Bandon and Innishannon and 10 more covered the Innishannon-Cork road. Commandant Barry and 32 rifle-men were positioned for the actual attack on Innishannon Barracks. Three parties of four men were placed to open fire on the back and side windows and doors of the barracks to prevent any inmates from bursting out. The remaining 20 men were equally divided into sections.